Reduplication : doubling in morphology / Sharon Inkelas and Cheryl Zoll.

Includes bibliographical references (pages 225-244) and indexes.

Print version record.

This groundbreaking new study takes a novel approach to reduplication, a phenomenon whereby languages use repetition to create new words. Sharon Inkelas and Cheryl Zoll argue that the driving force in reduplication is identity at the morphosyntactic, not the phonological level, and present a new model of reduplication - Morphological Doubling Theory - that derives the full range of reduplication patterns. This approach shifts the focus away from the relatively small number of cases of phonological overapplication and underapplication, which have played a major role in earlier studies, to the larger class of cases where base and reduplicant diverge phonologically. The authors conclude by arguing for a theoretical shift in phonology, which entails more attention to word structure. As well as presenting the authors' pioneering work, this book also provides a much-needed overview of reduplication, the study of which has become one of the most contentious in modern phonological theory.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Table of languages -- Abbreviations used in morpheme glosses -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Two approaches to duplication -- 1.2 Morphological Doubling Theory -- 1.2.1 The morphology of reduplication -- 1.2.2 Constructions in morphology -- 1.2.3 Constructional semantics -- 1.2.4 Constructional phonology -- 1.2.5 The phonology of reduplication -- 1.3 Phonological copying -- 1.4 Distinguishing the two types of duplication -- 1.5 Wrapup and outline of book -- 2 Evidence for morphological doubling.

2.1 Morphological targets: affix reduplication -- 2.1.1 Preverb reduplication: Hungarian -- 2.1.2 Reduplication within the derivational stem -- 2.1.3 Further implications -- 2.2 Morphotactic asymmetries: empty morphs -- 2.2.1 Empty morphs in morphology -- 2.2.2 Phonologically beneficial empty morphs -- 2.2.3 Empty morphs in reduplication -- 2.2.4 Simple melodic overwriting -- 2.2.5 Double melodic overwriting -- 2.2.6 Tier replacement -- 2.3 Synonym and antonym constructions -- 2.3.1 Root allomorphy -- 2.3.2 Synonym constructions -- 2.3.3 Beyond synonyms -- 2.3.4 Wrapup.

2.4 Comparison of MDT with OO correspondence -- 2.5 Conclusion -- 3 Morphologically conditioned phonology in reduplication:the daughters -- 3.1 Cophonologies -- 3.1.1 Cophonologies vs. indexed constraints -- 3.1.2 Cophonologies in reduplication -- 3.2 Typical daughter modifications -- 3.3 Divergent modification -- 3.3.1 Hua -- 3.3.2 Hausa tonal modification -- 3.3.3 Tarok: divergent TETU -- 3.3.4 Parallel modification -- 3.3.5 Double modification outside of reduplication -- 3.4 Daughter independence vs. base dependence -- 3.4.1 Reduplicant shape -- 3.5 Conclusion.

4 Morphologically conditioned phonology in reduplication:the mother node -- 4.1 General approach to junctural phonology -- 4.2 Reduplication-specific alternations -- 4.3 Reduplication-specific non-alternation -- 4.3.1 BR-Faith is insufficient -- 4.3.2 Underapplication all over -- 4.3.3 Non-identity-enhancing underapplication in reduplication -- 4.3.4 Layering and underapplication -- 4.3.5 Klamath -- 4.4?-Faith -- 4.4.1 Predictions of?-Faith -- 4.4.2 Overapplication of reduplication-specific phonology -- 4.4.3 Construction-specific insertion.

4.4.4 Reduplication-internal variation -- 4.4.5 Parallels between reduplicative and nonreduplicative phonology -- 4.4.6 Wrapup -- 4.5 Conclusion -- 5 Morphologically driven opacity in reduplication -- 5.1 Daughter-based opacity: overapplication and underapplication in Javanese -- 5.1.1 /a/-raising: underapplication by truncation -- 5.1.2 Suffix-triggered ablaut: overapplication by truncation -- 5.1.3 Opacity in suffixation and reduplication: wrapup -- 5.1.4 Active prefix -- 5.1.5 /h/-deletion: overapplication -- 5.1.6 Laxing: underapplication -- 5.1.7 Summary.

English.

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