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Democracy by decree : prospects and limits of imposed consociational democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina / Adis Merdzanovic.

By: Material type: TextTextPublisher number: EB00655137 | Recorded BooksPublisher: Stuttgart : Ibidem, 2015Description: 1 online resourceContent type:
  • text
Media type:
  • computer
Carrier type:
  • online resource
ISBN:
  • 9783838267920
  • 3838267923
Subject(s): Genre/Form: Additional physical formats: Print version:: Democracy by Decree : Prospects and Limits of Imposed Consociational Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina.DDC classification:
  • 347.73/1 23
LOC classification:
  • KKZ5007
Online resources:
Contents:
TABLE OF CONTENTS; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS; LIST OF ACRONYMS; 1 Introduction; 1.1 Case Selection; 1.2 Methodology; 1.3 Structure; Part I: Nationalism; 2 Theories of Nationalism-A Brief Survey; 2.1 Nation and Nationalism; 2.1.1 Modernists and Primordialists; 2.1.2 The 'Nation'; 2.1.3 Nationalism; 2.2 Analysing Nationalism in Contextual Terms; 2.2.1 The geographical and historical contexts; 2.2.2 The procedural context; 3 A Comparative Look at Western Balkan Nationalisms; 3.1 Elements of Commonality within Bosnian, Croat, and Serb Nationalisms; 3.1.1 Ethnicity; 3.1.2 Historical association.
3.1.3 Religion3.1.4 Language; 3.2 Nationalism in Serbia-Martyrdom and Uprising; 3.2.1 Before the uprisings: The ideological foundation of the Serbian uprising; 3.2.2 From the revolution to the national state and beyond; 3.3 Nationalism in Croatia-Historic Statehood Rights; 3.3.1 The Illyrian movement; 3.3.2 The Croat national movement; 3.4 Yugoslavism-Two Forms of a Failed Idea; 3.4.1 Yugoslavism-Jugoslovenstvo; 3.4.2 Yugoslav 'brotherhood and unity'; 3.4.3 Renewed nationalism and the collapse of Yugoslavia; 4 Nationalism in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
4.1 Historical Roots of Bosnian Identity: Medieval Bosnia4.2 Bosnia under Ottoman Rule; 4.3 Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats, Bosnian Serbs; 4.3.1 'National' agitation under Ottoman rule; 4.3.2 Nationalism in Habsburg Bosnia; 4.3.3 Bosnian national identities in the two Yugoslavias; 4.4 Conclusion; Part II: Consociationalism; 5 A brief Introduction to Consociational Theory; 5.1 Contemporary Consociationalism and its Critics; 5.2 The Original Model and Elite Behaviour; 5.3 The Origins of Cooperation; 6 'Imposed Consociation'; 6.1 Intervention and Imposition.
6.2 Consociational Democracy and the International Context6.3 The Concept of 'Imposed Consociation'; 6.3.1 Assumptions: minimal consensus and group cohesion; 6.3.2 Elite behaviour in imposed and ordinary consociations compared; 6.4 Anticipated Critique of the Concept of the 'Imposed Consociation'; Part III: Bosnia and Herzegovina; 7 Consociationalism in Bosnia-Herzegovina; 7.1 The central state; 7.2 The Entities; 7.3 People vs. Citizens; 7.4 Brčko District; 7.5 Bosnian Consociation; 7.6 The High Representative; 8 Political Elites and Political Quarrels.
8.1 The Historical Statehood of Bosnia-Herzegovina8.2 The People and the Society; 8.3 Debating the State; 8.3.1 The relationship between the state and the entities: more or less federalism?; 8.3.2 The Croat Question; 8.3.3 The misuse of the Sejdić and Finci verdict; 9 The Office of the High Representative from 1996 to 2013; 9.1 Carl Bildt (1996-1997); 9.1.1 The political landscape before the first post-war elections; 9.1.2 Setting up the new state; 9.1.3 The efforts of the High Representative; 9.2 Carlos Westendorp (1997-1999); 9.2.1 The pre-Bonn phase; 9.2.2 Towards the Bonn powers.
Summary: The introduction of consociational power sharing as a post-war political system has become one of the international community's preferred post-conflict devices. In situations where warring polities are internally divided by ethnic, religious, linguistic, or national identity, consociationalism guarantees the inclusion of all groups in the political process and prevents a 'tyranny' of the majority over one or more minorities. However, if international actors keep intervening in the political process, the advantages of consociationalism are turned upside down. In this exceptional book, Adis Merdzanovic develops a theoretical and empirical approach to understanding consociational democracies that include external intervention. Using the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the consociational Dayton Peace Agreement ended the three-year war between Serbs, Croats, and Bosniaks twenty years ago, it elaborates on the different approaches used in the past and gives practical recommendations for future state-building exercises by the international community.
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Online resource; title from PDF title page (EBSCO, viewed October 26, 2015).

Includes bibliographical references.

The introduction of consociational power sharing as a post-war political system has become one of the international community's preferred post-conflict devices. In situations where warring polities are internally divided by ethnic, religious, linguistic, or national identity, consociationalism guarantees the inclusion of all groups in the political process and prevents a 'tyranny' of the majority over one or more minorities. However, if international actors keep intervening in the political process, the advantages of consociationalism are turned upside down. In this exceptional book, Adis Merdzanovic develops a theoretical and empirical approach to understanding consociational democracies that include external intervention. Using the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the consociational Dayton Peace Agreement ended the three-year war between Serbs, Croats, and Bosniaks twenty years ago, it elaborates on the different approaches used in the past and gives practical recommendations for future state-building exercises by the international community.

TABLE OF CONTENTS; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS; LIST OF ACRONYMS; 1 Introduction; 1.1 Case Selection; 1.2 Methodology; 1.3 Structure; Part I: Nationalism; 2 Theories of Nationalism-A Brief Survey; 2.1 Nation and Nationalism; 2.1.1 Modernists and Primordialists; 2.1.2 The 'Nation'; 2.1.3 Nationalism; 2.2 Analysing Nationalism in Contextual Terms; 2.2.1 The geographical and historical contexts; 2.2.2 The procedural context; 3 A Comparative Look at Western Balkan Nationalisms; 3.1 Elements of Commonality within Bosnian, Croat, and Serb Nationalisms; 3.1.1 Ethnicity; 3.1.2 Historical association.

3.1.3 Religion3.1.4 Language; 3.2 Nationalism in Serbia-Martyrdom and Uprising; 3.2.1 Before the uprisings: The ideological foundation of the Serbian uprising; 3.2.2 From the revolution to the national state and beyond; 3.3 Nationalism in Croatia-Historic Statehood Rights; 3.3.1 The Illyrian movement; 3.3.2 The Croat national movement; 3.4 Yugoslavism-Two Forms of a Failed Idea; 3.4.1 Yugoslavism-Jugoslovenstvo; 3.4.2 Yugoslav 'brotherhood and unity'; 3.4.3 Renewed nationalism and the collapse of Yugoslavia; 4 Nationalism in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

4.1 Historical Roots of Bosnian Identity: Medieval Bosnia4.2 Bosnia under Ottoman Rule; 4.3 Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats, Bosnian Serbs; 4.3.1 'National' agitation under Ottoman rule; 4.3.2 Nationalism in Habsburg Bosnia; 4.3.3 Bosnian national identities in the two Yugoslavias; 4.4 Conclusion; Part II: Consociationalism; 5 A brief Introduction to Consociational Theory; 5.1 Contemporary Consociationalism and its Critics; 5.2 The Original Model and Elite Behaviour; 5.3 The Origins of Cooperation; 6 'Imposed Consociation'; 6.1 Intervention and Imposition.

6.2 Consociational Democracy and the International Context6.3 The Concept of 'Imposed Consociation'; 6.3.1 Assumptions: minimal consensus and group cohesion; 6.3.2 Elite behaviour in imposed and ordinary consociations compared; 6.4 Anticipated Critique of the Concept of the 'Imposed Consociation'; Part III: Bosnia and Herzegovina; 7 Consociationalism in Bosnia-Herzegovina; 7.1 The central state; 7.2 The Entities; 7.3 People vs. Citizens; 7.4 Brčko District; 7.5 Bosnian Consociation; 7.6 The High Representative; 8 Political Elites and Political Quarrels.

8.1 The Historical Statehood of Bosnia-Herzegovina8.2 The People and the Society; 8.3 Debating the State; 8.3.1 The relationship between the state and the entities: more or less federalism?; 8.3.2 The Croat Question; 8.3.3 The misuse of the Sejdić and Finci verdict; 9 The Office of the High Representative from 1996 to 2013; 9.1 Carl Bildt (1996-1997); 9.1.1 The political landscape before the first post-war elections; 9.1.2 Setting up the new state; 9.1.3 The efforts of the High Representative; 9.2 Carlos Westendorp (1997-1999); 9.2.1 The pre-Bonn phase; 9.2.2 Towards the Bonn powers.

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