Ellipsis and focus in generative grammar / by Susanne Winkler.

Includes bibliographical references (pages 230-285) and indexes.

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Prologue -- Chapter 1: Ellipsis and focus: An introduction -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The derivational model -- 3. The syntax-semantics interface -- 3.1. The cyclic derivation of surface semantic interpretation -- 3.2. The double-cycle information structure hypothesis -- 3.3. Information focus and contrastive focus: A derivational approach -- 4. The hybrid focus analysis of ellipsis -- 5. Conclusion -- 6. Distinguishing sentence-bound and discourse-bound ellipsis: A preview -- Chapter 2: Ellipsis at the interfaces: A proposal -- 1. Introduction

2. Deletion vs. deaccentuation2.1. Previous accounts -- 2.2. The parallel computation account -- 3. The pragmatics-PF interface -- 3.1. Anaphoricity and the traditional notion of givenness -- 3.2. Schwarzschild�s proposal: The notion of GIVENness -- 3.3. Objections -- 3.4. E-GIVENness and VP-/IP-ellipsis -- 3.5. Contrastivity and VP-ellipsis -- 4. The syntax-phonology interface -- 4.1. The derivation of intonation by phase -- 4.2. The derivation of ellipsis by phase -- 5. Conclusion -- Chapter 3: VP-anaphora and ellipsis of VP in English and German

1. Introduction1.1. In search of VP -ellipsis in German -- 1.2. Roadmap -- 2. The representation of ellipsis -- 2.1. The proform hypothesis vs. the PF-deletion hypothesis -- 2.2. VP-ellipsis: Arguments for an empty proform account -- 2.3. German VPA patterns with English VPE -- 2.4. Evidence from English for the derivational account of VPE -- 3. German auch-ellipsis -- 3.1. Ellipsis of VP in German -- 3.2. Auch-ellipsis is a case of contrastive remnant ellipsis or stripping -- 3.3. A sideward movement account of contrastive remnant ellipsis

3.4. Contrastive remnant ellipsis and the syntax-phonology interface4. Conclusion -- Chapter 4: Gapping: A sideward movement account -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The syntax of gapping -- 2.1. Deletion vs. ATB-movement accounts -- 2.2. The proposal: Gapping as sideward movement of vP -- 3. Evidence for the sideward movement account -- 3.1. The information structure of gapping: Paired contrastive remnants -- 3.2. Scope facts as evidence for vP coordination -- 3.3. Intonational evidence for vP coordination -- 3.4. Evidence for an A�-position in vP

Chapter 5: Conclusion and final remarks1. The informational structural proposal for ellipsis -- 2. Challenges for further research -- 3. Closing remark: Or a note on Wittgenstein�s problem -- Notes -- References -- Subject Index -- Author Index

English.

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