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020 ## - INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BOOK NUMBER |
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9789027274601 |
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049 ## - LOCAL HOLDINGS (OCLC) |
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MAIN |
100 1# - MAIN ENTRY--PERSONAL NAME |
Personal name |
Reeve, Matthew. |
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307775 |
245 10 - TITLE STATEMENT |
Title |
Clefts and their Relatives. |
260 ## - PUBLICATION, DISTRIBUTION, ETC. (IMPRINT) |
Place of publication, distribution, etc |
Amsterdam/Philadelphia : |
Name of publisher, distributor, etc |
John Benjamins Pub. Co., |
Date of publication, distribution, etc |
2012. |
300 ## - PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION |
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1 online resource (237 pages) |
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490 1# - SERIES STATEMENT |
Series statement |
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today ; |
Volume number/sequential designation |
v. 185 |
505 0# - FORMATTED CONTENTS NOTE |
Formatted contents note |
Clefts and their Relatives; Editorial page; Title page; LCC data; Dedication page; Table of contents; Acknowledgements; Abbreviations used in glosses; Introduction; The syntax of English clefts; 2.1. Introduction; 2.2. Proposal; 2.3. What specificational analyses get right: the non-expletive nature of cleft it; 2.3.1 Introduction; 2.3.2 Syntactic evidence; 2.3.2.1 Alternation with demonstratives.; 2.3.2.2 Control; 2.3.2.3 The obligatoriness of cleft pronouns in V2 Germanic; 2.3.2.4 Restrictions on referential pro in Italian; 2.3.2.5 Experiencer blocking in French.; 2.3.2.6 Summary. |
505 8# - FORMATTED CONTENTS NOTE |
Formatted contents note |
2.3.3 Interpretative parallels between clefts and specificational sentences2.3.3.1 Restrictions on information structure; 2.3.3.2 Presuppositions; 2.3.3.3 Summary; 2.4. What specificational analyses get wrong: The behaviour of the cleft clause; 2.4.1 Introduction; 2.4.2 The cleft clause as a restrictive relative clause; 2.4.3 The clefted XP as the antecedent of the cleft clause; 2.4.3.1 Introduction; 2.4.3.2 Locality; 2.4.3.3 Restrictions on predicational clefts; 2.4.3.4 The features of the relative operator; 2.4.3.5 Reduced cleft clauses; 2.4.3.6 Evidence for a promotion structure. |
505 8# - FORMATTED CONTENTS NOTE |
Formatted contents note |
2.4.3.7 Evidence for a matching structure2.4.3.8 Obligatory contrastivity; 2.4.3.9 Summary; 2.5. Conclusion; Clefts and the licensing of relative clauses; 3.1 Introduction; 3.2 Two licensing conditions for relative clauses; 3.2.1 Introduction; 3.2.2 Restrictive relative clauses and '?-binding'; 3.2.3 The problem with clefts I: modification of a non-sister; 3.2.4 The problem with clefts II: two antecedents for one relative; 3.2.5 Two licensing conditions; 3.3 Consequences of the analysis; 3.3.1 Obligatory versus optional extraposition. |
505 8# - FORMATTED CONTENTS NOTE |
Formatted contents note |
3.3.2 The uniqueness of?-binding I: restrictions on subjects3.3.3 The uniqueness of?-binding II: the ban on stacking; 3.3.4 Movement of the thematic antecedent; 3.3.5 Movement of the syntactic antecedent; 3.3.6 Cases in which it is impossible to satisfy both conditions; 3.3.7 Relativised minimality effects; 3.3.8 Summary; 3.4 T-binding in it-extraposition sentences; 3.4.1 Introduction; 3.4.2 Parallels between it-extraposition sentences and clefts; 3.4.2.1 It is not an expletive; 3.4.2.2 The CP is in VP-adjoined position; 3.4.2.3 The uniqueness of?-binding revisited. |
505 8# - FORMATTED CONTENTS NOTE |
Formatted contents note |
3.4.3 Differences between it-extraposition sentences and clefts3.4.3.1 Movement of the thematic antecedent; 3.4.3.2 Other consequences of the lack of a syntactic antecedent; 3.4.4 Summary; 3.5 Conclusion; Clefts in Slavonic languages; 4.1 Introduction; 4.2 Proposal; 4.3 The parallels between clefts and focus-fronting; 4.3.1 No relative clause structure; 4.3.2 Ellipsis of the 'cleft clause'; 4.3.3 Possible clefted XPs; 4.3.4 Connectivity effects; 4.3.5 No predicational clefts; 4.3.6 Further movement of the clefted XP; 4.3.7 Summary; 4.4 The cleft as a single extended verbal projection. |
500 ## - GENERAL NOTE |
General note |
4.4.1 No copula or relative clause. |
520 ## - SUMMARY, ETC. |
Summary, etc |
Cleft constructions have long presented an analytical challenge for syntactic theory. This monograph argues that clefts and related constructions cannot be analysed in a straightforwardly compositional manner. Instead, it proposes that the locality conditions on modification (for example by a restrictive relative clause) must be reformulated such that they account for the apparent compositionality of DP-internal modification whilst also permitting 'discontinuous' modification of the type which is independently needed for constructions such as relative clause extraposition. The empirical focus. |
588 0# - |
-- |
Print version record. |
504 ## - BIBLIOGRAPHY, ETC. NOTE |
Bibliography, etc |
Includes bibliographical references and index. |
590 ## - LOCAL NOTE (RLIN) |
Local note |
eBooks on EBSCOhost |
Provenance (VM) [OBSOLETE] |
EBSCO eBook Subscription Academic Collection - Worldwide |
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61137 |
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867439 |
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Electronic books. |
776 08 - ADDITIONAL PHYSICAL FORM ENTRY |
Display text |
Print version: |
Main entry heading |
Reeve, Matthew. |
Title |
Clefts and their Relatives. |
Place, publisher, and date of publication |
Amsterdam/Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, ©2012 |
International Standard Book Number |
9789027255686 |
830 #0 - SERIES ADDED ENTRY--UNIFORM TITLE |
Uniform title |
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today. |
9 (RLIN) |
390539 |
856 40 - ELECTRONIC LOCATION AND ACCESS |
Uniform Resource Identifier |
<a href="https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&AN=457444">https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&AN=457444</a> |
880 8# - ALTERNATE GRAPHIC REPRESENTATION |
Linkage |
505-00/(S |
a |
4.6.3 Applying the θ-binding analysis to Russian clefts -- 4.6.3.1 Problems for compositionality -- 4.6.3.2 Θ-binding of the 'cleft clause' -- 4.6.4 Consequences of the θ-binding analysis -- 4.6.4.1 The interpretative properties of Russian clefts -- 4.6.4.2 'Adjacency' effects -- 4.6.4.3 Apparent cases of non-adjacency -- 4.6.4.4 Why Russian does not have English-style clefts -- 4.6.4.5 Summary -- 4.7 Conclusion -- The syntax of specificational sentences -- 5.1. Introduction -- 5.2. The specificational syntax of clefts -- 5.2.1 Problems for compositionality II -- 5.2.2 Specificational syntax and association with focus -- 5.2.3 The syntax of Eq -- 5.3. Consequences of association with focus -- 5.3.1 Restrictions on the placement of focus -- 5.3.1.1 XP2 must be the focus -- 5.3.1.2 Extraction -- 5.3.1.3 The non-existence of 'inverse' specificational sentences -- 5.3.2 The possibility of multiple foci -- 5.3.3 The impossibility of focus projection -- 5.4. Further consequences of the analysis -- 5.4.1 Extraposition in specificational sentences -- 5.4.2 More on extraction of the post-copular XP -- 5.4.3 The dissociation of specification and θ-binding: The case of Serbo-Croatian -- 5.5. Conclusion -- Conclusion -- References -- Index. |
880 0# - ALTERNATE GRAPHIC REPRESENTATION |
Linkage |
505-00/(S |
a |
Clefts and their Relatives -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations used in glosses -- Introduction -- The syntax of English clefts -- 2.1. Introduction -- 2.2. Proposal -- 2.3. What specificational analyses get right: the non-expletive nature of cleft it -- 2.3.1 Introduction -- 2.3.2 Syntactic evidence -- 2.3.2.1 Alternation with demonstratives. -- 2.3.2.2 Control -- 2.3.2.3 The obligatoriness of cleft pronouns in V2 Germanic -- 2.3.2.4 Restrictions on referential pro in Italian -- 2.3.2.5 Experiencer blocking in French. -- 2.3.2.6 Summary -- 2.3.3 Interpretative parallels between clefts and specificational sentences -- 2.3.3.1 Restrictions on information structure -- 2.3.3.2 Presuppositions -- 2.3.3.3 Summary -- 2.4. What specificational analyses get wrong: The behaviour of the cleft clause -- 2.4.1 Introduction -- 2.4.2 The cleft clause as a restrictive relative clause -- 2.4.3 The clefted XP as the antecedent of the cleft clause -- 2.4.3.1 Introduction -- 2.4.3.2 Locality -- 2.4.3.3 Restrictions on predicational clefts -- 2.4.3.4 The features of the relative operator -- 2.4.3.5 Reduced cleft clauses -- 2.4.3.6 Evidence for a promotion structure -- 2.4.3.7 Evidence for a matching structure -- 2.4.3.8 Obligatory contrastivity -- 2.4.3.9 Summary -- 2.5. Conclusion -- Clefts and the licensing of relative clauses -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Two licensing conditions for relative clauses -- 3.2.1 Introduction -- 3.2.2 Restrictive relative clauses and 'θ-binding' -- 3.2.3 The problem with clefts I: modification of a non-sister -- 3.2.4 The problem with clefts II: two antecedents for one relative -- 3.2.5 Two licensing conditions -- 3.3 Consequences of the analysis -- 3.3.1 Obligatory versus optional extraposition. |
880 8# - ALTERNATE GRAPHIC REPRESENTATION |
Linkage |
505-00/(S |
a |
3.3.2 The uniqueness of θ-binding I: restrictions on subjects -- 3.3.3 The uniqueness of θ-binding II: the ban on stacking -- 3.3.4 Movement of the thematic antecedent -- 3.3.5 Movement of the syntactic antecedent -- 3.3.6 Cases in which it is impossible to satisfy both conditions -- 3.3.7 Relativised minimality effects -- 3.3.8 Summary -- 3.4 Θ-binding in it-extraposition sentences -- 3.4.1 Introduction -- 3.4.2 Parallels between it-extraposition sentences and clefts -- 3.4.2.1 It is not an expletive -- 3.4.2.2 The CP is in VP-adjoined position -- 3.4.2.3 The uniqueness of θ-binding revisited -- 3.4.3 Differences between it-extraposition sentences and clefts -- 3.4.3.1 Movement of the thematic antecedent -- 3.4.3.2 Other consequences of the lack of a syntactic antecedent -- 3.4.4 Summary -- 3.5 Conclusion -- Clefts in Slavonic languages -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Proposal -- 4.3 The parallels between clefts and focus-fronting -- 4.3.1 No relative clause structure -- 4.3.2 Ellipsis of the 'cleft clause' -- 4.3.3 Possible clefted XPs -- 4.3.4 Connectivity effects -- 4.3.5 No predicational clefts -- 4.3.6 Further movement of the clefted XP -- 4.3.7 Summary -- 4.4 The cleft as a single extended verbal projection -- 4.4.1 No copula or relative clause -- 4.4.2 The types of adverbs permitted after èto -- 4.4.3 Imperative clefts -- 4.4.4 Clitic-climbing -- 4.4.5 Summary -- 4.5 Consequences of the 'double-subject' structure -- 4.5.1 Introduction -- 4.5.2 Evidence for two IPs -- 4.5.2.1 Sentential vs. constituent negation -- 4.5.2.2 Superiority effects in Serbo-Croatian -- 4.5.3 Evidence that èto is a DP specifier -- 4.5.3.1 Èto in 'bare copular sentences' -- 4.5.3.2 The positions of adverbs -- 4.5.3.3 Control complements -- 4.5.4 Summary -- 4.6 Russian clefts as specificational sentences -- 4.6.1 Introduction -- 4.6.2 Previous analyses. |
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